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President Prabowo Subianto is a political leader with a background in both military and business. The trust he has gained will become real only if he, as a leader, can fulfill his promises, such as reducing state financial leaks and establishing a clean government. After forming a bloated and costly cabinet, which has raised public doubts, will he implement a meritocracy to evaluate ministers and officials to maintain public trust? Will the targets of food self-sufficiency and 8% economic growth be achieved?

Oleh Karnoto Mohamad

INDONESIA has a new leader: President Prabowo Subianto and Vice President Gibran Rakabuming Raka, inaugurated on October 20, 2024. His first speech as president was powerful. His vision was clear. Direct. No beating around the bush. There are three messages or lessons that can be drawn from Prabowo’s inaugural appearance and his speech.

First, the importance of a clear vision for a leader. As a leader, he aims to lead Indonesia to achieve food and energy self-sufficiency within four to five years. He also aims to eradicate extreme poverty so that all citizens can enjoy the fruits of economic development and the wealth of the archipelago’s natural resources.

Second, the importance of sustainability, even though the new capital project (IKN), initiated by Joko Widodo (Jokowi), was not mentioned in his speech or in his first cabinet meeting. Despite being directly elected by the people, Prabowo positions himself as Jokowi’s successor, having received a direct endorsement in the presidential election in early 2024. Even before the official transition of power, Prabowo’s people had already entered Jokowi’s cabinet, and when Prabowo formed his new cabinet, several of Jokowi’s ministers joined it.

Third, the importance of a leader’s strong will to realize a vision and openly address existing problems. Prabowo candidly highlighted issues that could hinder achieving this vision, including longstanding issues such as the high level of budget leaks due to corruption, carried out by political leaders, executive officials, and unscrupulous businesspeople in collusion.

Fourth, the importance of values in leadership, which determine the behavior of the entire team. The values Prabowo seeks to instill focus on leaders working for the people, not the other way around. “We must always remember that at every level, our work must be for the people—not for ourselves, not for our relatives, and not for our leaders. Leaders must work for the people,” he emphasized. He also prohibited his administration from engaging in corruption, promising strict law enforcement against any infractions.

Every leader has their own style and leadership character. Ministers must come to terms with the fact that Prabowo’s leadership style differs from Jokowi’s. Prabowo has a strong leadership track record in the military and business sectors. The former Kopassus general even led his ministers in a three-day training session at Lembah Tidar in Magelang, Central Java, aimed at strengthening coordination between ministries and fostering patriotism by recalling the struggle of the freedom fighters.

The ministers must also accept the reality of Prabowo’s longstanding track record in the business world. After being ousted from his military career in 1998, he delved into business, following his younger brother, Hasjim Djojohadikusumo, who had been a businessman since 1978. In 2014, Prabowo acquired Kiani Kertas for IDR 1.8 trillion, a company formerly owned by Bob Hasan, whose debts with Bank Mandiri had defaulted and was eventually taken over by the state. Although Kiani Kertas, later renamed Kertas Nusantara, struggled to succeed, Prabowo, who then shifted to other ventures, was already accustomed to implementing a meritocratic system based on performance evaluation, rewards, and punishments. Moreover, he is part of the ‘intellectual’ family of Soemitro Djojohadikusumo, which is strongly imbued with a meritocratic system.

In his first cabinet plenary session on October 23, 2024, Prabowo issued instructions much like a results oriented business leader. “If you are dissatisfied with the officials below you, report them, and we’ll replace them immediately,” he told his ministers. There was a clear message on the importance of competence and integrity for those in key positions. “Start working immediately, build your teams, move quickly in implementing existing programs, safeguard the state’s wealth, and there must be no corruption,” he emphasized.

However, the challenge arises when Prabowo Subianto steps into the role of a political leader. Within the landscape and political culture of Indonesia, it is not easy for a leader to implement a meritocratic system. This is because the appointment of ministers or public institution leaders cannot solely rely on competence, experience, and integrity. There are factors of like or dislike, friendship or lack thereof, and whether or not one belongs to the supporting faction.

Beyond ministerial positions, placements on the boards of state-owned enterprises (SOEs), particularly commissioners, are often made to accommodate political interests rather than economic ones. This is evident from the numerous figures without banking or economic backgrounds occupying seats as SOE bank commissioners. Political parties have long placed their cadres or volunteers in commissioner seats within SOE companies. The restructuring of SOE management that began last August is reportedly set to intensify until the end of the year, aiming to position those who contributed to Prabowo-Gibran’s victory in the early-year presidential election.

As a result, public doubt emerged when Prabowo Subianto announced the “bloated” Kabinet Merah Putih. The notion of a zaken cabinet, previously discussed, ended up being mere lip service. While President Jokowi’s administration had 34 ministers, Prabowo’s cabinet has 48. This is not counting the 56 deputy ministers and 5 heads of national agencies. Additionally, new bodies have been created, bringing the total number of high-ranking officials filling government seats to 137.

Prabowo’s swollen cabinet is reminiscent of the Dwikora II Cabinet during the final days of the Old Order, which had 132 ministers, also called the 100 Minister Cabinet. According to Infobank Research Bureau data, the number of ministers in the Kabinet Merah Putih is the highest in the Asia-Pacific region and even globally. China, with a population of 1.4 billion, has only 21 ministries and agencies. India, with 1.4 billion people, has only 30 ministries and agencies. The United States, with a population of 346 million, has just 15 ministries and agencies.

There is a potential inefficiency with such an oversized cabinet. According to the Center for Economic and Law Studies, Prabowo’s cabinet may lead to a budget increase of up to IDR 1.95 trillion over the next five years. This does not include the costs of office building construction and facilities. Additionally, there are challenges with coordination and concerns about complicating matters for investors due to overlapping policies. As a result, the announcement of the new cabinet on October 20, 2024, did not excite investors. The composite stock price index (IHSG) remained flat or declined, from IDR 7,785.76 at the opening on October 21, 2024, to IDR 7,686.67 on October 25, 2024, the day this article was written.

According to Burhanuddin Muhtadi, an academic and political observer, the formation of a cabinet with an overly accommodating political posture has begun to erode public trust. ‘The bloated cabinet raises concerns in the market, especially with such a large allocation of ministerial posts to political parties. This is what makes investors remain in a wait-and-see mode, and the influx of capital has yet to be seen,’ he said at the Indonesia Industry Outlook 2025 event on October 23, 2024.

Besides the issue of being bloated, the Kabinet Merah Putih is filled with political figures and representatives from political parties. Out of 48 ministers, 23 come from political parties, with six of them being party leaders. The large number of ministers and the surge of politicians from political parties demonstrate that Prabowo is attempting to accommodate his supporting parties. Even the National Awakening Party and the Prosperous Justice Party, which supported Prabowo’s opponent in the presidential election, were invited to join the government.

Since the reform era, cabinets accommodating political interests have been common. According to data from The Asian Post Research (Infobank Media Group), the proportion of ministers from political parties has averaged around 50%. The highest was during Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono’s first term at 59%, followed by Jokowi’s second term at 56%, BJ Habibie’s administration at 40%, and the lowest was under Megawati Soekarnoputri at 36%. Due to a political and bureaucratic culture marked by corruption, grand ideas for advancing Indonesia have often gone unrealized.

Political factors also create a gap between Prabowo’s grand vision for Indonesia and what he has done in his f irst two days in office. The President wants to streamline bureaucratic services amidst fiscal pressures, yet he increases bureaucratic posts. He is known as a leader from the military and business world who values meritocracy, yet he operates a mediocracy by accommodating numerous politicians and political party representatives.

Prabowo, however, holds a strong political mandate, with support from 470 seats, or 81%, in the 580-seat legislature. Despite accusations of electoral fraud by his opponents, Prabowo, who won 58.59% of the vote in the presidential election, has the people’s high trust to lead the country. As head of state, Prabowo Subianto has the power to realize his ambitions, which align with the people’s hopes: achieving 8% economic growth, self sufficiency in food and energy, eradicating extreme poverty, and establishing a clean government.

 

 

First, the importance of a clear vision for a leader. As a leader, he aims to lead Indonesia to achieve food and energy self-sufficiency within four to five years. He also aims to eradicate extreme poverty so that all citizens can enjoy the fruits of economic development and the wealth of the archipelago’s natural resources.

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